Students at the University of Sheffield have donated four tonnes of goods to city charities. As...
Why Recent Graduates Should Join Code for America
Sympathy for the dodgy salesmen of Australian politics
Babel Rising
T.C. Boyle: Incorporating Environmentalism in Art
The Stone Roses confirm all planned shows to go ahead after Ian Brown calls Reni a 'c**t' onstage
Machiavelli's Bad Rap
Award-winning novelist Salman Rushdie discusses Niccolo Machiavelli, arguing that the infamous Italian political philosopher does not deserve the bad reputation he is often given by popular culture.

Sir Ahmed Salman Rushdie is an Indian-British novelist and essayist. He first achieved fame with his second novel, Midnight's Children (1981), which won the Booker Prize. Much of his early fiction is set at least partly on the Indian subcontinent. His style is often classified as magical realism, while a dominant theme of his work is the story of the many connections, disruptions, and migrations between the Eastern and Western worlds.

His fourth novel, The Satanic Verses (1988), led to protests from Muslims in several countries, some of which were violent. Faced with death threats and a fatwā (religious edict) issued by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, then Supreme Leader of Iran, which called for him to be killed, he spent nearly a decade largely underground, appearing in public only sporadically.
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Tiananmen Square Massacre
3 may  |  As the Beijing PR machine kicks into overdrive in the run-up to the Olympics, here's a reminder of darker times in the Chinese capital. . . read more
Oil and Blowback in the Middle East
7 jun  |  The movie Syriana showed the interconnectedness of oil and politics. Here's a quick history of US involvement in the Middle East and the 'blowback' caused by the insatiable need for oil. . . read more
The Cognitive Dissonance of Being American - by Leslie Powell
14 oct  |  Every once in a while, I try experimenting with having a political opinion completely 180 degrees from my own. Pro-life, Republican, heteronormative, Dominionist Christian, what have you. It improves me as a writer, possibly also as a person. And it gives me the bends similar to LSD.

I don't keep the opinion, mind you. I just exercise what it would be like to believe that Sarah Palin was actually qualified to be Vice President, that the Republican party gives a shit about poor working class people, that Obama was a secret Muslim, that somehow being a Muslim disqualifies you from being a human, or even a President, that white American people are superior to everyone else on the planet, and that those fucking Mexicans want my job.

And then I realize that it's time wasted; that there are probably not enough people truly of that persuasion who would be capable or willing to do that kind of introspection.

They could never entertain the idea that maybe they're wrong, or even experimentally believing that possibly they've been terribly lied to. That they're horribly scared and unable to express it for fear of seeming weak in the world's eyes. That maybe, just maybe, Obama would simply do a better job if they gave him a chance. That Mexicans have rights too, that English is spoken better in other countries and by non-native speakers, that speaking English doesn't make one superior. That we've been awfully gluttonous and irresponsible as a society for far too long.  . . read more

John McCain's Experience as Prisoner of War - From Doug Valentine
21 apr  |  War is one thing, collaborating with the enemy is another; it is a legitimate campaign issue that strikes at the heart of McCain’s character... or lack thereof. In occupied countries like Iraq, or France in WWII, collaboration to that extent spells an automatic death sentence. The question is: What kind of collaborator was John McCain, the admitted war criminal who will hate the Vietnamese for the rest of his life? Put it another way: how psychologically twisted is McCain? And what actually happened to him in his POW camp that twisted him? Was it abuse, as he claims, or was it the fact that he collaborated and has to cover up? Covering-up can take a lot of energy. The truth is lurking there in his subconscious, waiting to explode.

McCain had a unique POW experience. Initially, he was taken to the infamous Hanoi Hilton prison camp, where he was interrogated. By McCain’s own account, after three or four days he cracked... His Vietnamese captors soon realized their POW, John Sidney McCain III, came from a well-bred line in the American military elite... McCain was held for five and half years. The first two weeks’ behavior might have been pragmatism, but McCain soon became North Vietnam’s go-to collaborator. McCain cooperated with the North Vietnamese for a period of three years. His situation isn’t as innocuous as that of the French barber who cuts the hair of the German occupier. McCain was repaying his captors for their kindness and mercy.

This is the lesson of McCain’s experience as a POW: a true politician, a hollow man, his only allegiance is to power. The Vietnamese, like McCain’s campaign contributors today, protected and promoted him, and, in return, he danced to their tune. [More] . . read more

The Koori History Website
28 jun  |  A must for students of Australian history . . read more
A Young John Howard Explains Rise to Power
25 oct  |  John Howard forsees his future and explains how he gained power in the Liberal Party. . . read more
Howard's Lost Decade - From Richard Flanagan
30 nov  |  John Howard famously said the times were his, and for more than a decade it seemed they were. Australia experienced the greatest and most sustained boom in its history. Yet at its end Australia's indigenous population was in a ruinous state, its extraordinary environment was threatened on numerous fronts, and its people were beginning to ask where the wealth had gone: public schools and public health were in crisis, social welfare was straitened, housing was unaffordable for many, and wages and conditions were being cut under Howard's industrial reforms...

In the wake of his defeat the attacks on Howard's legacy will turn ferocious, but at their heart will be an unease, a ritual exorcism of something deeper that Australians would perhaps rather not admit. For a decade Howard's power had resided in his ability to speak directly and powerfully to the great negativity at the core of the Australian soul - its timidity, its conformity, its fear of other people and new ideas, its colonial desire to ape rather than lead, its shame that sometimes seems close to a terror of the uniqueness of its land and people.

At the end of his concession speech, Howard claimed to have left Australia prouder, stronger and more prosperous. But it didn't feel that way. It felt like it had been a lost decade. It felt like the country was frightened, unsure of what it now is, unready for the great changes it must make, and ill-fitted for the robust debates it must have. There was a strange sense that Australia, which had seemed so often to sleepwalk, mesmerised, through the past 11 years, had suddenly woken up. But where it might go and what it might do and be, no one any longer knew.

From The Guardian. Richard Flanagan is a novelist. . . read more

White Australia Has a Black Past
29 oct  |  A video about indigenous policy in Australia from the last hope for the Australian Democrats, Queensland Senator Andrew Bartlett. . . read more
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"Government's view of the economy could be summed up in a few short phrases: If it moves, tax it. If it keeps moving, regulate it. And if it stops moving, subsidize it." -- Ronald Reagan (1986)